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ROOH TO KUDH EK JAAN HOTI HAY SHARIR BEHJAAN HOTTA HAY JI

Davinder sahani

--- On Sat, 9/4/11, Azhar Malik <malik_azhar@ymail.com> wrote:

From: Azhar Malik <malik_azhar@ymail.com>
Subject: «*» RUKHSANA«*» Dil Ki Masjid
To:
Date: Saturday, 9 April, 2011, 1:34 PM

 


 IF YOU CAN'T SEE THE IMAGE,
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Recently, some political leaders who caused enormous damage to India's reputation because of their involvement in scam-tainted projects were asked to step down by their party's high command.

A probe panel, led by a distinguished former Comptroller and Auditor General, has been set up by the prime minister to investigate charges of widespread corruption and inordinate delays in organising the Commonwealth Games.

This is in addition to several other agencies, including CAG, Central Vigilance Commission, Central Bureau of Investigation, Enforcement Directorate and Central Board of Direct Taxes, which are also looking into charges of corruption in the 2G spectrum allocation, the Adarsh Housing Society and CWG.

These moves are certainly welcome. However, it is reasonable to ask ourselves: what will happen after the findings of investigative agencies have been submitted, and accepted by the government?


If the past is any guide, the answer is likely to be that nothing much will happen. Yes, cases will be filed in different courts, some high-level organisers will be compelled to resign and move elsewhere with their illicitly acquired wealth, and some bureaucrats will be transferred.

Similar examples of abuse of power are, however, an everyday occurrence. Investigations are carried out, guilt is established, appeals are filed -- but nothing much happens after that. Years pass; courts, people and the media soon move on to other cases.

In view of prosecution delays and lack of deterrent punishment, demand and supply of corruption in India, in government as well as private sector, is pervasive.

Last month, while hearing a case of corruption, the Supreme Court was reported to have expressed its outrage over growing corruption in government machinery and observed that "nothing moves without money anymore".


Although the Hon'ble Court was quick to express its disgust, it has not been able to do much to settle a large number of long-pending cases of political and bureaucratic corruption.

In respect of the rising supply and demand of corruption in politics, perhaps nothing more needs to be said after the recent Karnataka episode that saw extensive horse-trading and open bidding in the Legislative Assembly "of MLAs, by MLAs, for MLAs".

No wonder politics has now emerged as a career of choice by persons with a criminal past. Political power also provides substantial opportunities for wealth accumulation.

It is estimated that as many as 304 members of Lok Sabha, who contested the 2009 elections, had recorded an increase of assets by nearly 300 per cent during their previous term.



It is not generally appreciated that the cost of corruption to the exchequer is substantially larger than gains to corrupt people. An important finding of empirical research is that high corruption is often associated with the wrong choice of public projects.

Cost over-runs due to delays and a wrong choice of design or location, as in the case of CWG, are likely to have been several times higher than money diverted by those involved in organising it.

In view of 2G spectrum, CWG, the political horse-trading in Karnataka and the Adarsh Housing scam happening in such quick succession, there is a public outcry that something decisive must be done to reduce corruption in India.

Something can indeed be done, provided we are willing to tackle the problem at its source rather than deal only with outrageous cases of corruption that are brought to the surface by a vigilant media.

(Inset) R R Nair, the scam-tainted former CEO of LIC Housing Finance.



First and foremost, it is necessary to reduce the immense powers available to ministers to allocate public resources (such as mines, spectrum, oil and land), control public enterprises, and grant case-by-case permissions and approvals to commercial enterprises.

If an autonomous Election Commission, appointed by the government, can organise fair elections in the world's largest democracy, similar autonomous agencies can be established to allocate public resources under policy approved by the Cabinet.

There is no good reason why ministers should have powers to decide which private entities or corporations should get allocations of spectrum or public land.

Policy priorities may be decided by the Cabinet, but the execution must be left to statutorily empowered agencies.



Second, there must be greater accountability of public servants for efficient discharge of their duties. Penalties for corruption, including dismissal from service, have to be swift so that they have a deterrent effect. The higher the level of a corrupt civil servant, the greater should be the penalty.

Third, there is an urgent need to simplify 'rules' that government announces from time to time for granting permissions or licences to general public and corporations.

The existing rules, many of which have been in force for several decades, are generally complex, involving multiple agencies. Nobody can be sure about what is permissible and what is not.

A fully empowered Federal Commission should be set up to undertake a comprehensive review of all 'rules' in force at the Centre and in states, and suggest measures to simplify them.

Indian Parliament.


The recommendations of this Commission should be binding on the government, subject to legislative approvals only when required.

Finally, there is a strong case for state funding of parliamentary elections through transparent and verifiable rules.

A formula for state funding of permissible expenses of candidates and political parties, which ensures 'equity' in allocations among large and small parties, can easily be worked out.

As I have elaborated elsewhere, the fiscal burden of state funding over a five-year period is likely to be a fraction of allocations to MPs for Local Area Development (MPLAD).

These steps will reduce the effective demand for corruption, which, in turn, should help reduce its potential supply.

The writer is former RBI governor and author of The Future of India: Politics, Economics and Governan









 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Bribery and corruption are the most common economic crimes that India's manufacturing sector faces, says the PwC Global Economic Crime Survey.

Over 25 per cent of Indian manufacturing sector respondents have been victims of economic crime in the past year as against 21 per cent of the global manufacturing sector respondents.

Further, 33 per cent of manufacturing company respondents in India cited accounting fraud to have affected their business in the past year.
Activists of Communist Party of India Marxist CPI (M) hold a cartoon placard.


Accounting fraud encompasses a variety of fraudulent actions including accounting manipulations, fraudulent borrowing or raising of finance, fraudulent application for credit and unauthorised transactions or rogue trading.

About 17% of respondents from the manufacturing sector in India reported having suffered asset misappropriation.


A worker arranges models of the mascot of the Commonwealth Games before packing them.



In this sector, asset misappropriation is more likely to include fraud schemes, including fraudulent disbursements such as payments to ghost employees, fictitious vendors, pay-and-return schemes, overbilling schemes, unauthorised overtime schemes, and expense report schemes.

An employee works inside the Duravit production site in Gujarat.


Indeed, manufacturing companies should closely monitor weaknesses or loopholes in their supply chains to ensure that suppliers are complying with:

a) agreed quality standards and
b) financial covenants.

The fraud triangle links three conditions fraud experts say are always present whenever fraud occurs:

1. Opportunity

2. Incentive/pressure

3. Justification to commit fraud

Workers make spare parts for containers at a workshop on the outskirts of Mumbai.


Pressures to commit economic crime in the manufacturing sector were much higher globally (60%) in the last 12 months as compared to India (29%). In comparison, rationalisation to commit economic crime was much higher in manufacturing companies in India (42%) as compared to the global level (15%).

Labourers work inside a steel factory in Siliguri.




The trigger points for fraud, indicating that the top factors contributing to higher opportunities of risk of fraud in India include:

1. Internal audit being asked to do more work and/or with less staff

2. Transfer of operations to new territories

3. Reduced regulatory oversight

4. Weakening of IT controls making the organization more vulnerable



Munna Yadav, 35, speaks on a phone after repairing underground telephone cables at Noida.


Similarly, the top factors contributing to pressures or incentives to commit fraud in the manufacturing sector in India were:

1. Targets more difficult to achieve

2. Fear of job loss

3. Employees want to make their numbers in order to earn performance bonuses

4. Senior management's intention to report a desired level of financial performance

5. Pressure to maintain financial performance to ensure lenders do not cancel debt facilities

Entities may resort to fudging of financial statements to reflect healthy financial state; they may hide or understate the underlying debt covenants and continue obtaining working capital based on such fraudulent statements.

A worker sorts out damaged biscuits at a factory in Kolkata.

The top factors contributing to increasing people's ability to rationalise fraud in India include: 1. Maintaining an existing standard of living 2. Others do it and so it is okay 3. Reported bonuses earned by high earners being perceived as unfair 4. Allegations of fraud within the organization are not fully dealt with Senior executives responsible for mitigating the risks of fraud in their organisations should carefully consider the implications of these three factors specifically pressure to maintain financial performance to ensure access to capital markets, weakening of IT controls and internal audit being asked to do more work and/or with less staff.
Indian labourers work in a bulb factory in Kolkata.


Reality vs perception of fraud in the manufacturing sector in India

Respondents in the manufacturing sector in India tended to be overly optimistic regarding the future of economic crime, despite the actual incidences of economic crime being much higher.

When asked about the most likely fraud threats in the next 12 months, the respondents primarily indentified accounting fraud (including one or more categories of accounting fraud), money laundering, bribery and corruption and asset misappropriation.

Additionally, the respondents perceive tax fraud and illegal insider trading to be an emerging threat in the coming year, though not experienced in the last 12 months.


A worker rests on a heap of cotton inside a cotton factory near Ahmedabad.


Given the current economic environment and historical trend of actual incidences of fraud, it is likely that the manufacturing sector in India may witness far greater levels of economic crime than perceived by respondents. Organisations that are vigilant, aware of the fraud risks and conduct periodic fraud risk assessments will be better prepared to address the risk of fraud. Similarly, organisations need to follow a more holistic and integrated approach to manage business risks.









 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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